Serbia and the protests: What comes next?

Govorio sam o protestima u Srbiji koji traju već 8 meseci, političkoj situaciji kao i represiji vlasti prema studentima i profesorima.
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Q&A Prep Notes for June 2025 Protest Discussion

Intro

On 1 November at 11:52 AM, a canopy at the main train station in Novi Sad collapsed, killing 16 people. The station had been renovated and reopened in July 2024 with €50 million invested. On the same day, President Vučić falsely claimed that the canopy hadn’t been renovated.

This tragedy sparked mass student and civic protests. On 22 November, during a peaceful commemoration and street blockade, drama students were physically assaulted. The attackers were later identified as local SNS officials. This led to the start of student blockades, which quickly spread to all four major university centres. Students issued four initial demands:

• Full transparency about the canopy reconstruction;
• Identification and prosecution of those responsible for the attack on 22 November;
• Dropping charges against protesting students;
• A 20% increase in the university budget.

On 28 January, after a student was brutally attacked and her jaw broken by SNS-linked individuals, the government collapsed. This was followed by a wave of protests unseen in scale and passion since 2000, culminating in the 15 March protest with over 350,000 participants. During this event, illegal directional sound weapons were used.

Since then, students have biked to Strasbourg and run to Brussels to deliver their demands. On 5 May, they officially called for snap parliamentary elections. Despite the government having called early elections three times in the past 13 years, they now refuse. On 8 June, local elections were held in Zaječar and Kosjerić. Opposition lists made strong gains. Today, a rerun of the vote is taking place in one polling station in Kosjerić under irregular circumstances.

On 28 June, over 150,000 citizens joined a mass protest led by students, who urged the public to participate in civil disobedience. Following the protest, provocations and manufactured clashes led to selective police violence. Over 70 students and citizens have been arrested since Saturday. Repression is intensifying.

Q: How have these protests evolved over the past months? Have their demands changed?

The protest initially focused on four student demands. Over time, the movement has developed. After 15 March, two additional demands were added, including one showing solidarity with victims of a tragedy in North Macedonia. Since 5 May, the call for snap elections has become the central demand. From 28 June, the dismantling of an illegal pro-government tent camp in a protected park has also become a key demand.

Q: Can you tell us something about the local elections in early June?

The elections were held in Zaječar and Kosjerić, two very different municipalities. Zaječar is larger, with 38,000 voters, while Kosjerić is smaller, with around 9,000. Zaječar had 8 lists, including two genuine opposition ones, three government lists, and three regime-affiliated satellite lists. Kosjerić was simpler, with three lists: one opposition, one government, and one ethnic minority list (Russia). Despite widespread irregularities, opposition turnout was strong, and mobilisation was high.

Q: Who are the main groups participating in the protests—and what unites them?

Students and their professors led the protests. They are joined by citizens organised in grassroots initiatives (ZBOR), war veterans, bikers, NGOs (though the term “activist” is unpopular among youth), and even high school teachers and students. Solidarity is their key bond.

Q: How has the government responded—both in rhetoric and in policy?

The government has responded with escalating repression: intimidation, arrests, smear campaigns in state media, pressure on families (especially public sector workers), firings, and detentions. Students have been labelled as Nazis, terrorists, and violent extremists. Instead of dialogue, the government relies on fear and force.

Q: Can you tell us more about your own involvement, and how your organisation supports citizen engagement?

As a professor at the University of Novi Sad, I joined the protests from the outset. My faculty was the first to suspend classes after the illegal arrest of one of our students on 5 November. I am part of the “Free University” initiative supporting students and served as an observer during the elections in Zaječar, where I witnessed widespread violations.

Q: How are these protests perceived in the wider region? Are there signs of regional solidarity?

There is visible interest and support. Regional media follow closely. We have seen solidarity rallies. Most notably, Serbian and Bosniak students have begun working together—a significant signal ahead of the 30th anniversary of Srebrenica. The government, however, continues to use nationalist rhetoric to distract from its accountability.

Q: What do you expect (or hope) from international actors—such as the EU or NGOs?

We hoped for stronger EU support. The student demands fully align with EU values: the rule of law, transparency, strong institutions, and accountability. Yet, the Commission’s recent €51.7 million disbursement from the Growth Fund (shortly after Vučić visit to Moscow) sends the wrong message. It fuels Euroscepticism and deepens public mistrust. Students were welcomed in Brussels and Strasbourg, but stronger follow-up is urgently needed.

Q: What are the risks if citizens’ demands are not met?

The greatest risk is the further erosion of democracy and the entrenchment of a corrupt, criminalised regime. Institutions will remain weak, the judiciary will be compromised, and civil liberties curtailed. This is a historic chance for Serbia—and the wider region—to pivot towards reform. It must not be missed. International actors have a moral obligation to support this peaceful, democratic movement.ent.